Tag: Fish

One Year Away – Missing Oman

I left Salalah a year ago and am still processing that loss. I miss my friends and so many aspects of Dhofari life, especially:

  • Long conversations – When you sit down to talk to a friend in Oman, it’s expected you will talk for hours. I miss having coffee with a female friend for 2 or 3 hours; picnic dinners with the research guys which could mean 6 or 7 hours of chatting.
  • Gorgeous Nature – Pristine, empty beaches; snorkeling over reefs; boat rides, skimming along next to pods of leaping dolphins; sitting in the desert or on a beach with no ambient lights so you could a dark night sky full of stars; green mountains in the monsoon season
  • Animals – lizards and chameleons; seeing foxes, hearing wolves; the parrots which came to my guava tree; flamingos; camels, especially baby camels
  • Plants – palm trees; banana trees; lemon trees; fig trees; my gardens with papaya trees, henna trees, neem trees, olive trees, hibiscus, bougainvillea, oleander, gardenia, jasmine, aloes, lemongrass, yellow trumpet flower
  • Food – fresh coconut milk, schwarmas, fresh Yemeni bread, lobsters cooked over coals, fresh fruit juice, Balbek (if you know, you know), fresh lemon and mint, fresh fish
  • Teaching literature and 98% of my students – Although it cost me $100s a year, it was fun buying and reading books as I searched for new poems and stories to teach. It was a joy to craft syllabi with texts from different time periods and cultures with similar characters, plots and/ or themes and then the best part, talking about these texts with students who had great insights and could make connections to other texts and their own lives. Some classes were an uphill climb but in some classes we laughed all semester.
  • Discussing religion – Everyone I knew believed in God and was up for talking about religious beliefs; I could say, “I will pray for you” and ask, “Will you pray for me?” as a part of ordinary conversations
  • Multi-cultural everythings – Walking through the grocery store and not knowing what I was looking at: new vegetables, new fruit, words I didn’t understand on jars; all different kinds of clothes and fabrics
  • Active ethnography – I was always watching, listening, trying to figure out what was going on: What was that word? Why did that person do that? It was exhausting but always interesting
  • Constantly learning – students were always teaching me new expressions and gestures; the research guys teaching me how to how to drive on sand (only getting stuck three times!), up steep inclines and over rocks
  • Language barriers – Being able to go through the day without understanding most of the conversations around me was relaxing; now I constantly overhear people venting when I walk home or sit in a café
  • My truck – Driving in Oman is so fun on flat desert roads, twisting mountain roads, roads that curve along the shoreline
  • Houses – High ceilings, archways, lots of counter-space in the kitchen, well-designed bathrooms

What’s nice about where I am

  • Being able to easily see/ talk to friends, my mom and family
  • Working with kind and competent people: no lying, no back-stabbing, no drama and every single person says “Hello”
  • Flower stores, especially Kendall Flower Shop, Brattle Square Florist and Petali
  • Breakfast sandwiches, pizza, salads and ice cream without freezer burn
  • Not sharing my apartment with mice, spiders, bees or armies of ants – quiet ACs

Outline and Chapter Abstracts for ‘Researching, Teaching and Working on the Arabian Peninsula: Creating Effective Interactions’

Practicalities of Moving to the Arabian Peninsula: Using the Arabic Language

Ethnography – Finding the Middle Ground, part 1 of Discussing Photographs

Returning to USA – Culture Shock essays

Reflections on Ethnographic Work: Mental Maps and Wayfinding Apps in Dhofar, Oman

This proposal was accepted for the Royal Geographical Society’s 2024 annual conference but I had to cancel as I moved back to Boston. Since I had notes written up, I decided to post this essay as a less academic version of what I planned to talk about.

Proposal – “Mental Maps and Wayfinding Apps in Dhofar, Oman” for the Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Annual Conference. August 27-30, 2024. https://www.rgs.org/research/annual-international-conference

One of the Dhofari men in my research group recently told me that the road I needed to turn off onto to get to the beach where we were meeting was after the mosque “where the road goes up and then down.” I knew that particular road weaves among foothills for over 30 kilometers without any straightaways. When I finally figured out after which mosque and which going “down” I realized that there was a sign at the turnoff.

But the men I do research with in southern Oman do not heed or discuss road signs when giving directions. Their mental maps are made up of geographical, not written, markers.

Electronic geo-locating is used throughout southern Oman for only two general purposes. The first is for finding a house. As most delivery drivers are not Omani and some do not speak Arabic or the local Modern South Arabian languages, finding a house is done with various mapping apps and the person who made the order must send a photo of their house. Also, fishermen have adopted different kinds of modern technology such as Google maps and Windguru to keep up to date about wind speed and direction. They also plot fishing areas on maps which are shared.

The result is that fishermen in my research group are very fluent in map-reading when gathering information about tides, currents, underwater formations, wave height, etc. but will navigate on land using only mental maps created from their own travels and what close friends and family members have told them. I have been lost with them many times, but the solution is always to simply keep going to see what happens, ask a person if possible or stop and look at the landscape to try to guess where the road might lead. Opening up any type of printed or electronic map is never an option. Hence, in 19 years of teaching and doing ethnographic research in the Dhofar region, I have never heard a man refer to a road by its given name. Roads are called by the towns they pass through or their endpoint.

In my presentation I will discuss how men and women in Dhofar not only create and pass on information about important locations using permanent indicators, such as mosques, tombs, hills and the color of rocks. I will also address how this use of mental mapping stands in contrast to the limited use of electronic geo-locating devices and applications.

Essay

In spring 2024, one of the research guys got in touch to say that the group would go camping. If I wanted to join, I should be at one of the fishing towns on Thursday at 2pm. I met up with two other men in another pick-up and we drove about 1/2 hour on a good, one-way-each-direction road, then off onto a gravel road through a wide wadi (dry river bed). After about 20 minutes, we turned off onto small road, threading though hills about 20-50 feet high, usually with the rocky inclines on either side of one-car-wide path.

Then it got bad. Either climbing up-hill (rocks on one side of road, steep drop off on the other) or balancing along on top of hills, lots of sharp curves and most inclines were ‘hail Mary,’ i.e. the angle is so steep that when you reach top of hill, the hood is up so high, you can’t see road or which way to turn. I was thinking “thank heavens I am following someone because this is hard driving, bleak landscape and no cellphone signal” (foreshadowing!).

We finally pulled out onto a sandy track following the curve of a beach about 4:15pm and drove to a shelter where the other guys were relaxing. We chatted and had dinner about 8pm, then I realized two of the men were there for fishing and had gotten up at 5am. By 9pm, it was bedtime, whereas usually we stayed up talking until 1 or 2am. I tried to sleep (on mat, under stars) and got bit my every insect imaginable. I wasn’t feeling great so I never fell asleep; the men all got up at 5am for prayers, then breakfast and the fishermen went out to sea to check their boxes (fish traps).

I thought “I need to get home and sleep” but how could I leave when I wasn’t sure that I knew the road out? So I drank tea and chatted with the men who weren’t fishing. After 2 hours, I mentioned that I thought I should go home and by the grace of God, one man wanted to leave. They all decided it was better that he pray the Friday prayer at home; it was decided that we should leave around 10am, meaning another hour of chatting and tea-drinking. Then I drove back with the man who knew the road, he let me choose the way, correcting me when I made one mistake.

2 weeks later one of the guys sent a message on Thursday saying that we couldn’t meet on Friday as usual because they were busy, but they were free that night. So I drove out to the beach only to discover that the reason they were busy Friday was that they was going back to that same beach. And they thought I should come, driving alone with a large cool-box (almost the size of my pick-up’s bed) filled with ice. They would fill the box with that day’s catch Friday night, then Saturday morning I would drive the freezer back to town where the guy who buys their fish would take it, while they would fish all day Saturday, then return home by boat.

It was all such fantastical nonsense, that I could cope with a huge chest full of ice over that road, that I could get to that exact beach again, I just looked at them and said, “I love your trust in me and I would love to be worthy of that trust but…” But this was not a discussion.

One of them gave me verbal instructions (“turn off after the mosque where the road goes up and then down and when your car is turned like this, do not take any right, but when your car is turned to there, then take the first right…”). No cell signal, no one with me and the hills so close and high, I could not plot by the sun. Oh, and since I was going on a Friday, I had to be in the fishing town at 10am the next morning so the other men could load my pick-up before Friday prayers. And it was now 10pm!

I drove home and organized everything. Got up at 8am and packed, went to the store for water and soda, was in the town at 10am, and back on the road by 11. I was stressed for the entire drive, but made it to the right place. Other people were already in the shelter we had stayed in so I went to a nearby elevated place and waited. And waited. I had thought (from the last trip) that they would be done with fishing by about 4pm but it got to be 5:15pm with no sign. I had no idea where they were or if anything had happened.

The sun was going down and I didn’t trust myself to choose the right roads in the dark so I knew I would sleep there. I had everything I needed to spend the night and was not concerned about being alone; however, I was not sure if they were ok or if I had missed some vital piece of information, such as I was supposed to be someplace else.

I was also a little angry because they had told me to send a message when I reached the fishing town, when I turned off the main road and from the last high hill, but when I drove back up to the high hill (where I could get cell signal) at 5pm, I could see that they had not seen any of the messages I sent, meaning they didn’t know if I had reached the place or not. The road is easy for them but it was my first time driving it alone and I felt like they had asked me to do something a little difficult, then not taken care to make sure I was ok.

They finally showed up at 5:30, loaded fish into the ice chest and we set up camp. When everyone settled down to drink tea, I asked about their day. They had left their town (by boat) and had spent the whole morning fishing. The waves were high, so they could not look at their phones. At 2pm, they drove into the large bay to check messages. They could not get a signal so they drove in closer to shore until they could see my truck on a wide ledge over the ocean. Now that they knew I had gotten there and was ok, they went back out to open sea to check fish traps. It made me feel a lot better to know that they had, in fact, checked on me.

After we ate dinner, I asked one of the men where the beach road ended towards the eastern and western directions. He answered then said to me, “now you are smart,” meaning that a wise person gathered information about the nearby roads. The “now” was added because during my first trip to that beach, I hadn’t asked about the road network. The third time I went there; I drove the beach road in both directions until it ended and was again complimented for (finally!) acting like an intelligent person.

On my last trip to that beach I realized that there was a sign for a small town a few klicks before the turn off from the main road, as well as a road sign with the name of the area directly before the turnoff point. They could have used the two signs in their directions instead of “turn off after the mosque where the road goes up and then down.”

But they don’t use man-made aids to navigate away from towns. I have never seen any of them use a paper map or call a road by its official name; they call a road by the town they are going to or its termination, i.e. “the Muscat road.” And they don’t say unnecessary information, e.g. “take the wadi before Hadbeen” not “turn left into the wadi before Hadbeen,” because the ocean is on the right side of the road, a wadi could only be on the left side. The only times I have seen one of them use GPS on land is when we wanted to get to a myrrh tree which someone had dropped a pin on and to drive around in the Empty Quarter.

The point of view of the research guys is that a good person is constantly constructing mental maps as it’s your responsibility to know where you are on land. When you go to a new place you should ask about the road networks and, if there is time, drive to endpoints. It is fine to ask someone about the road if it is your first time in the area, but you should memorize every road so well that you only ask once and can easily return to the same spot years later.

And never show fear. My favorite quotes from the guys are their responses to my expressing dread at having to drive up a steep slope: “You think that’s a hill? Give me your car, go sit at home.” Upon seeing the wreck of a piece of heavy machinery that had fallen off a steep road with a sheer wall of rocks to one side and a long drop-off on the other, one of the men said, “the driver meant to do that.”

In towns, they use landmarks, usually mosques, to navigate; the Dhofari women I know navigate by mosques, but also use shops and restaurants. If you need to get to a person’s house, either someone would drive you or give precise instructions. If you are going to attend a wedding or to give condolences, once you are in the general area, it’s easy to spot the house as it would have many cars parked out front (and strings of lights for a wedding).

GPS/ dropping a pin on your location is usually for expat delivery drivers who might not be fluent in Arabic or English. To receive food or a mailed package, you turn on your phone’s location and send a photo of the outside of your house or office building.

In other words, navigation is almost entirely based on visual clues. Dhofaris use what they can see to move across landscapes in contrast to using, for example, distances (“go three kilometers”), time (“drive for ten minutes”) or cardinal points. Expats use GPS to get to a general area, then use a photo of the building, as opposed to using street names and house numbers.

For navigating at sea, however, fishermen use both traditional and electronic methods of navigation. The most basic method of positioning is to triangulate using two points on land, e.g. “when I see that rock by the headland and the side of that mountain, then I know I am in the right place.” Fishermen also carry internal schedules of tides, as well as wind and wave patterns. The men I know would often tell me that, for example, the wind would die off in an hour or would start up at dawn.

I was terrified the first few times we returned from night fishing; sitting at the bow, I was amazed that they could drive their boats safely through rocky areas on moonless nights. With only weak starlight for illumination, they would bring the boat right to the beach without hesitation. If I expressed surprise at their knowledge, they would say, “If you do not know this, you should not be in a boat!”

But, in compliment to their personal knowledge, they also use GPS and weather/wave apps such as Windguru [https://www.windguru.cz/53 – sample page below]. The result is that fishermen in my research group are very fluent in map-reading when gathering information about tides, currents, underwater formations, wave height, etc. but will navigate on land using only mental maps created from their own travels and what close friends and family members have told them.

Coda

I saw The Finest Hours (2016, about an American Coast Guard rescue in heavy weather) with a Gibali-speaking hakli fisherman and he kept a quiet running critique of the boat handling skills with an occasional “not bad.” He guessed correctly that the townspeople would bring their cars to the water’s edge to help guide the boat home as he been part of similar efforts in his own town. The tagline of the movie is “We all live or we all die” which sums up how the fishermen envision their community.

They never try to hide information about good fishing locations as they know that all aspects of their lives are in Allah’s care; if they are supposed to have a good catch, they will have it, if not, then not. Therefore, all fishing spots that are marked on weather/ map apps are set for anyone to see, not hidden. There is a strong belief that a person who persistently and knowingly works selfishly against the good of the community will be given some sort of divine punishment and it is not the responsibility of the other fishermen to bring that consequence about, beyond the necessity of avoiding the man and making excuses not to fish with him.

Example of Windguru data

windguru

New book – Researching and Working on the Arabian Peninsula: Creating Effective Interactions

Reflections on Ethnographic Work – Trying to Make Sense of Words and Actions

Culture Shock – (Not) Being Under Observation

Culture Shock: The Parable of the Boxes

 

Chapter published – “Lifeways of Traditional Fishermen in Dhofar, Oman”

(photo by Hussein Baomar)

My chapter “Lifeways of Traditional Fishermen” has just been published. Because of editorial delays the information presented is now out-of-date as the interviews were conducted at the beginning of the Covid epidemic and the prices have changed. But the manner of and results from fishing remain the same.

“Lifeways of Traditional Fishermen in Dhofar, Oman,” in Fish as Food: Lifestyle and a Sustainable Future. Helen Macbeth, ed. International Commission on the Anthropology of Food and Nutrition – Alimenta Populorum series. 2024: 155-170. https://archive.org/details/macbeth-young-and-roberts-ed-fish-as-food-anthropological-and-cross-disciplinary

abstract

Although most of Oman’s gross national product is derived from oil and gas products, fishing still plays an important role in providing jobs which create a cash-producing export and help ensure food security. However, there is little current information about the lives of traditional fishermen. This chapter presents the results of extensive interviews conducted in 2020-2021 to explain the daily lives and customs of fishermen in the governorate of Dhofar, in southern Oman. The chapter focuses on two important questions about fishing economics: how much does it cost to catch fish and how does that expense create a social benefit for fishermen, regardless of the money earned from the catch?

My research concentrates on the hakli/ qara groups of tribes who speak Gibali/ Jibbali (also known as Shari/ Śḥeret, a non-written, Modern South Arabian language) as their first language. I have been looking at the theme of generosity, including sharing food, for more than ten years and in this chapter I explain how much a typical day and season of fishing costs a fisherman, as well as how giving away part of every catch creates a benefit that is more than monetary. Using interviews and personal experiences, I explain how the cash outlay for gas, nets, bait, etc. is transformed into social, in addition to economic, capital for fishermen.

Screenshot

 

 

Reflections on Ethnographic Work: Being Safe and Secure

One aspect of talking to expats is that if I intimated that something they did might not be safe in my opinion, my advice often had to be negated by them pointing out my actions were unsafe, particularly me going camping with only Omani men. This makes me think of how to define “safe” in terms of my life in Oman. On one hand, I camped with men I had known for years and I had usually met members of their family: brothers, cousins, parents, wives and children. On the other hand, I frequently felt insecure and lost. I was constantly telling myself to trust them, trust the process and that, if nothing else, I was going to have a useful learning experience. “Useful,” not necessarily fun or easy.

One Wednesday night, I got phone call at 9pm. It was hard to hear with the sound of wind and waves in the background. A group of the research guys were camping at a beach far from town and they had decided I should come. I wrote out what they wanted me to bring (water, more water and wood), hung up and started prepping. I had to proctor an exam at 8am, which meant getting up, going to work, stopping at store on the way home while I was still in regular clothes, putting everything in the car, buying drive-through McDonalds for lunch, then lots of driving.  

I got to the beach around 4pm. We talked, then they decided that they would take me for a short boat ride. This was not “How are you feeling?,” “Would you like a boat ride?” or “What have you eaten today, as in what are the chances you will throw up if we go out in the boat?’ No, it was: “Now you will go in the boat.”

So, I changed into boat clothes and out we went. It was very nice; the sea was calm and it was lovely to see the shore and hills… but wait. We appeared to be stopping. They were maneuvering a large barrel full of fishing line with many 4 inch hooks imbedded in soft foam to the edge of the boat. Oh, it was a curtain met, a long, strong fishing line to which plastic laundry soap bottles are tied at intervals so it didn’t sink and every 6 feet of so, a short line going down with a hook which they baited with a sardine (like the “icicles” type of Christmas lights which have a long horizontal line with short verticals going down). 

Hooking sardines and tossing the line out took over an hour. The sun sank lower, it got colder, they didn’t let me help so I watched the ocean, shore and seabirds trying not to think about being cold. Then we drove off in the direction opposite camp. I wanted to say that I wanted to go back, but I stayed quiet. If we were driving over to the other side of the bay, they must have a reason.

As the guy who was steering the boat turned off the motor, I realized we were going to a stop next to a fish-trap buoy. He had driven to one of his “boxes” (fish traps) which was very close to shore, meaning it probably had lobsters and since they know I like lobsters, he was deliberately going to the box most likely to have them for my sake (they think lobsters are so-so and would much rather have fish). And, yes, the trap had 8 large lobsters but no fish.

We drove back to shore and moved our camp to up to the top of small headland with a small bay to one side and the large bay (about 2km across) on the other. There were no lights visible so the sky was full of stars. They made a dinner of white rice, a kind of chutney made from various cooked vegetables and lobster taken out of the shell and cooked directly on rocks heated by coals. 

As the rice was cooking, one of the guys took a small shark they had caught earlier in the day and prepped it for drying. He cut it open, took out the guts, then cut the meat into long, thin strips which are all attached to the back of the head so it looked sort of like an octopus (or a small alien from the movie Alien). This is tossed over a rope to dry in the sun for a few days, then eaten. I saw the man cutting the shark, but hadn’t realized he had had put it on a rope that was tied between my truck and their truck.

After dinner, I glanced over at my truck and saw something white, taller than a cat and odd-shaped underneath it. This thing was less than 10 feet away from me so I called the name of the guy who was sitting closest to me, about 6 feet away.

He did not respond, so I said his name again. He said, “fox.” I said fearfully, “that is not a fox” as I have never seen a fox come so close to humans and the thing seemed to be square-shaped. I heard him shift, then his phone light shone on exactly the place I was looking. It was a fox whose hair for some reason glowed white in the darkness and it was standing at an angle so I could see the side of its body and hindquarters, with its tail was wrapped around its body so it looked like a square.

The point of this story is that when I turned back around, I realized that I had been blocking his view. The research guy heard me say his name, saw me looking back towards my truck and said, “fox” without knowing why I was saying his name or what I was looking at. He had instantly put together from how my head was turned that I was looking at the area below where the drying shark meat was hung and the anxiety in my voice meant there was something I could not understand – so the answer had to be “fox.” When I said, “that is not a fox,” he moved over and picked up his phone to show me that, with no visual or sound cues, he knew what it was better than me, the person who was staring at the fox.

So sometimes I felt cold, confused, tired or worried and yet, at the same time, always secure.

Reflections on Ethnographic Work – Trying to Make Sense of Words and Actions

Two poems for courage: “Against Hesitation” by Charles Rafferty and “Thalassa” by Louis MacNeice

Presentation – “Windguru and Other Gurus: Fishing off the Coast of Dhofar, Oman”

Predator Anthropologists, Anthropologist Predators: Anthropological Metaphors in Popular Movies

photo by Hussein Baomar

Conference presentation on fishing off the coast of Dhofar, Oman

I am happy to announce that I will be presenting “Windguru and Other Gurus: Fishing off the Coast of Dhofar, Oman” for the Navigating the Transcultural Indian Ocean: Texts and Practices in Contact Conference, sponsored by the Rutter Project, June 5, 2024.

Research on Fishing in Dhofar

Foodways: Researching Fishing Practices in Dhofar and Selected Bibliographies

– طرق الطعام : بحث في ممارسات الصيد في ظفار وببليوجرافيات مختارة – Foodways: Researching Fishing Practices in Dhofar (in Arabic) and Selected Bibliographies

Donaldson’s article on “Units of Counting” in Oman

I recently read a great article about Oman:

Donaldson, William. 1994. “Units of Counting and Aggregation in Omani Arabic.” Journal of Semitic Studies 39: 87-96. https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/XXXIX.1.87

The same author also wrote:

  • Donaldson, William. 1979. Fishing and Fish Marketing in Northern Oman: A Case Study of Artisanal Fisheries Development. Doctoral thesis, Durham University.
  • Donaldson, William. 2008. “Enterprise and Innovation in an Indigenous Fishery: The Case of the Sultanate of Oman.” Development and Change 11: 479-95.

I think it is so interesting when a researcher gives a clear overview of a small aspect of a culture. I ran into the issue of how to count items when I was doing work on fishing a few years ago. At that time I noted:

Oman uses the metric system but different measuring systems are used in fishing. Boats are ordered by ‘feet,’ petrol is measured by ‘drum’ (8 Omani Riyal for a standard 30-liter petrol can), engine power is by ‘horsepower,’ and the radius of circular sardine nets is by dhirae (‘arm’ in Arabic, from the inside, centre point of right elbow to tip of middle finger on right hand). The depth of water, the size of fish boxes (traps) and the height of a curtain nets is by ba’ (from furthest edge of left shoulder to tip of middle finger on right hand).

Reflections on Ethnographic Research: Making Adjustments for Positive Multi-Cultural Exchanges/ Events

(photo by S. B.)

For the first few years I was in Oman, I often went on picnics with mixed groups of Omanis and expats but that gradually stopped as I got frustrated with what I perceived to be situations in which the Omanis were doing all/ most of the work. I started having picnics with just the research guys and the few times I brought an expat, I ended up frustrated or embarrassed by expat behavior such as showing up empty-handed, sitting passively, dominating the conversation and not showing gratitude.

But a dear friend, T, was coming for a short visit and I was sure that she had the temperament to enjoy and appreciate a beach picnic, so I got in touch with the guys. This started a series of adjustments on all sides which illustrate the importance of compromise in effective inter-cultural communications/ interactions.

First of all, the morning of the picnic I told the guys that T did not like fish and asked that they not bring fish for dinner. This is completely out-of-bounds behavior. People who meet up together should never show any preference (or really, any interest at all) in the dinner that someone else will bring. But given that some of the research guys are fishermen, I guessed that they would want to bring freshly caught fish and cook it over the fire as a special dinner. I wanted to stop that as I knew T would not enjoy it and I wanted to protect her from either being hungry or forcing herself to eat a dinner she didn’t like.

On the other side, before we left my house, I told T that wearing long, loose clothing was my way of being respectful and asked if she could please wear one of my long tunics over her pants and t-shirt. I held out a white tunic with a toile print, something she would ordinarily never wear, and she agreed. Then I said that I cover my hair in front of the guys and that while she didn’t have to… She instantly agreed so I grabbed a lossi (headscarf worn with a thobe, the Dhofari-style housedress). Usually you wouldn’t wear a lossi outside the house, but it was 105 degrees, so I thought the light cotton would be the most comfortable choice for her. I knew the guys would say that she didn’t have to, but I also knew they were going to make an effort to bring a good dinner and this was a small gesture she could make to be polite.

When we got to the beach, we set out the mat and then put out cushions, Kleenex and the cooler with water and soda. I made a fire and we chatted until we heard cars. Then we stood up and I draped the headscarf on her and wound mine tightly.

When the guys came to the mat, one began fussing with the fire, setting rocks in two lines which usually means that fish would be grilled. I was disappointed and said to one of the men quietly in Arabic, “she doesn’t like fish!” He said, “there is chicken.” I nodded, then I saw one of the men open a plastic bag with lobster tails, removed from the shell.

I should not have worried. The men had listened to my (unreasonable) request for no fish, but as I had suspected, wanted to bring something freshly caught, so it was lobster. And, as I have never seen them take the meat out of the shell before, I knew they were showing politeness to a guest. [In contrast, the first few times I had lobster with them, they handed me a whole one and I had to twist off its head, pull off the small limbs, etc. – if I wanted to eat a lobster, then I had to deal with the lobster!]

The whole night was a series of modifications on their part – actions I had never seen in over 15 years of picnics. For example, instead of placing their chairs right at the edge of the mat as usual, most of the men sat about 6 feet back. Instead of eating by lights from cell phones or small battery-powered lanterns, one man set up a large, area-light attached to a car battery. Instead of a usual dinner with one dish (rice with meat, chicken or fish), there was a big container of rice and chicken, plus the grilled lobster tails, a salad in a separate bowl and a dessert.

Instead of people dividing themselves into two equal groups (or one-off if there was an odd number) around the two platters, the best pieces of chicken were put on one platter for me, T and one of the research guys, while the other five gathered round the second plate. Half the lobster tails were put on our platter as well. I had forgotten that T might not be used to eating with her hands, but one of the men brought spoons. The man eating with us gave her a spoon, then proceeded to eat his dinner with a spoon, which I have never seen him do before. No one commented on any of these adjustments and T did not comment on the bother of wearing a tunic and headscarf.

T chatted, answered questions, gave profuse compliments and (bless her!) was happy to sit quietly and look at the stars and ocean during the times the men were speaking in Gibali (Jebbali).

I was a little nervous – hoping that there would be a comfortable meeting between my friend of 25 years who was only 2 days into her first visit to the Arabian Peninsula and the research guys, most of whom had never socialized with a North American besides myself but everything worked out well.

By giving up some comfort/ in doing something unusual, we all helped create a positive atmosphere. I am very grateful to T and the research guys for a lovely evening and a lovely example of the necessity of all sides making adjustments to create harmony.

Houseways: Podcast, a discussion with Ahmed Almaazmi and Ayesha Mualla

Houseways: Including/ Excluding Expats in Discussions about Housing

Reflections on Ethnographic Research: Changes within Cultures

Reflections on Ethnographic Research in Dhofar Oman

Reflections on Ethnographic Research: (Not) Asking Questions

General Bibliography for Research about Dhofar, Oman – updated spring 2023

General Bibliography for Research about Dhofar, Oman – Dr. Marielle Risse, updated spring 2023

Neither despise, nor oppose, what thou dost not understand – William Penn

Below is the list of texts I have used for research on Southern Oman from the fields of Arabian Peninsula studies; archeology; architecture; anthropology; cultural studies; education and pedagogy; folklore; foodways; history; Islamic studies, literature, literary compilations and secondary writing on literature; memoir; military history; Modern South Arabian languages including grammar, linguistics and translation; ornithology; political science; travel writing, secondary writing on travelers, tourism; women studies; zoology

bibliography for my Houseways project: Selected references related to Houseways in Southern Oman, Oct. 2022

other bibliographies: Bibliographies

my publications about Dhofar/ Oman in the fields of anthropology; architecture; cultural acquisition, education and studies; education/ pedagogy; fairytales and folklore; fishing; foodways; gift/ gift theory; honor killing; houseways; literature, literary compilations and secondary writing on literature; translation; travel writing, travelers and tourism; urban studies

books

Risse, Marielle. 2023. Houseways in Southern Oman. London: Routledge.

—. 2021. Foodways in Southern Oman. London: Routledge.

—. 2019. Community and Autonomy in Southern Oman. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

articles/ book chapters

Risse, Marielle   2021. “Questions About Food and Ethics,” in Emanations: When a Planet was a Planet. Brookline, MA: International Authors. 403-08.

—. 2020. “Ok Kilito, I Won’t Speak Your Language: Reflections after Reading Thou Shalt Not Speak My Language,” in Octo-Emanations. Carter Kaplan, ed. Brookline, MA: International Authors.: 233-36.

—. 2020. “Teaching Paired Middle Eastern and Western Literary Texts,” in Advancing English Language Education. Wafa Zoghbor and Thomaï Alexiou, eds. Dubai: Zayed University Press. 221-23.

—.  2019, October 7. “Teaching Literature on the Arabian Peninsula,” Anthropology News website. http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2019/10/07/teaching-literature-on-the-arabian-peninsula/

—.  2019. “An Ethnographic Discussion of Fairy Tales from Southern Oman,” Fabula: Zeitschrift für Erzählforschung / Journal of Folktale Studies / Revue d’Etudes sur le Conte Populaire 60.3-4 (De Gruyter, Berlin): 318–35.

—. 2017. “Understanding Communication in Southern Oman.” North Dakota Quarterly (Special Issue on Transnationalism) 84.1: 174-84.

—. 2015. “Generosity, Gift-giving and Gift-avoiding in Southern Oman.” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 45: 289-96.

—. 2013. “Throwing Children in the Street: Explaining Western Culture to Omanis.” Emanations: Third Eye. Carter Kaplan, ed. Brookline, MA: International Authors. 265-74.

—. 2013. “Who Are You Calling ‘Coddled’?: ‘Cloistered Virtue’ and Choosing Literary Texts in a Middle Eastern University.” Pedagogy 14: 415-27.

—. 2013. “Frosty Cliffs, Frosty Aunt and Sandy Beaches: Teaching Aurora Leigh in Oman.” Ariel: A Review of International English Literature 43.4: 123-45.

—.  2013. “Verstehen/ Einfühlen in Arabian Sands (1959): Wilfred Thesiger as Traveler and Anthropologist.” Journeys: The International Journal of Travel and Travel Writing 14.1: 23-39.

—. 2012. “Reader’s Guide” for the English version of Khadija bint Alawi al-Thahab’s My Grandmother’s Stories: Folk Tales from Dhofar. W. Scott Chahanovich, trans. Washington, D.C: Sultan Qaboos Cultural Center. 17-23.

—. 2012, May 31. “To Learn Arabic, You Have to Talk the Talk,” The Chronicle of Higher Education. http://chronicle.com/article/To-Learn-Arabic-You-Have-to/132057

—. 2012. “Do You know a Creon?: Making Literature Relevant in an Omani University,” in Literature Teaching in EFL/ESL: New Perspectives. Rahma Al-Mahrooqi, ed. Muscat: Sultan Qaboos University Press. 302-14.

—. 2011, July 10. “Bringing Theory Home in Oman,” The Chronicle of Higher Education. B24. http://chronicle.com/article/Bringing-Theory-Home-in-Oman/128139/

—. 2009. “Cultural Refraction: Using Travel Writing, Anthropology and Fiction to Understand the Culture of Southern Arabia.” Interdisciplinary Humanities 26.1: 63-78.

—. 1997. “White Knee Socks vs. Photojournalist Vests: Distinguishing between Travelers and Tourists,” in Travel Culture. Carol Williams, ed. Westport, CT: Praeger. 40-50.

Bibliography – updated spring 2023

Abdel Malek, Anouar. 1963. “Orientalism in Crisis.” Diogenes 44: 103-140.

Abou-Zeid, Ahmed. 1966. “Honor and Shame among the Bedouins of Egypt,” in Honor and Shame. J. G. Peristiany, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 243-59.

Abu-Lughod, Lila. 2016/1999. Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society. Berkeley: University of California Press.

—. 2013. Do Muslim Women Need Saving? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

—. 2011. “Seductions of the Honor Crime.” Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 22. 1:  17-63.

—. 2008. Writing Women’s Worlds: Bedouin Stories. Berkeley: University of CA Press.

—. 1991. “Writing Against Culture,” in Recapturing Anthropology. Richard Fox, ed. Santa Fe, N.M.: School of American Research Press. 37-62.

—. 1990. “Anthropology’s Orient: The Boundaries of Theory in the Arab World,” in Theory, Politics and the Arab World: Critical Responses. Hisham Sharabi, ed. New York: Routledge.  81-131.

—. 1989. “Zones of Theory in the Anthropology of the Arab World.” Annual Review of Anthropology 18: 267-306.

—. 1985. “A Community of Secrets: The Separate World of Bedouin Women.” Signs: A Journal of Women in Culture and Society 10: 637-57.

—. 1985. “Honor and Sentiments of Loss in a Bedouin Society.” American Ethnologist 12: 245-61.

Abu-Odeh, Lama 1997. “Comparatively Speaking: The ‘Honor’ of the East and the ‘Passion’ of the West.” Utah Law Review 2: 287-307.

Abu-Zahra, Nadia. 1974. “Material Power, Honour, Friendship and the Etiquette of Visiting.” Anthropological Quarterly 47: 120-38.

—. 1972. “On the Modesty of Women in Arab Muslim Villages – A Reply.” American Anthropologist 72.3: 1079-87.

Ahmed, Qanta. 2008.  In the Land of Invisible Women: A Female Doctor’s Journey in the Saudi Kingdom. Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks.

Aitken, Stuart and Gill Valentine, eds.2006.  Approaches to Human Geography. London: Sage.

Akehurst, John. 1982. We Won a War: The Campaign in Oman, 1965-1975. Wilton, Salisbury: Russell.

Akers, Deborah and Abubaker Bagader, eds and trans. 2008. Oranges in the Sun: Short Stories from the Arabian Gulf. London: Lynne Rienner.

Al-Abri, A., E. Podgoma, J. Rose, L. Pereira, C.J. Mulligan, N. Silva, R. Bayoumi, P. Soares, and V. Černý. 2012. “Pleistocene – Holocene boundary in Southern Arabia from the Perspective of Human mtDNA Variation.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 149.2: 91-298.

Al-‘Amri, Musallim. 2008.  Learn and Speak the Jibali Language: Language of the Civilization of ‘Aad. Doha, Qatar: Dar al-Thiqafa.

Al Balushi, Khalid, trans. 2016.  Contemporary Omani Poetry in English. Muscat: Ministry of Heritage and Culture.

Al-Belushi, Mohammed. 2008. “Managing Oman’s Archaeological Resource: Historical Perspectives.” Public Archaeology 7.3: 149-173.

Al Dhahab, Ahmed. 1987. The Historical Development of Education in Oman: From the First Modern School in the 1893 to the First Modern University in 1986. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Boston College.

Al Farsi, Abdulaziz. 2013. Earth Weeps, Saturn Laughs: A Modern Omani Novel. Nancy Roberts, trans. Cairo: American University of Cairo Press.

Al Farsi, Sulaiman. 2013. Democracy and Youth in the Middle East: Islam, Tribalism and the Rentier State in Oman. London: I. B. Tauris.

Al Farsy, Muntasir Shaaban. 2015. Happy Platinum Jubilee to the Al Asaidiya. no city; no publisher.

Al-Ghassani, Salim bin Ahmed. 2010. The Way and the Guide [English translation of title]. Salalah, Oman.

Al-Hajri, Hilal. 2006. “British Travelers in Oman from 1627-1970.” Modern Oman: Studies in Politics, Economy, Environment and Culture of the Sultanate. Andrzej Kapiszewski, Abdulrahman al Salimi and Andrej Pikulski, eds. Krakow: Ksiegarnia Akademicka. 63-88.

Al Hamdani, Ibrahim. 2010. Winning Hearts and Minds: Development as an Anti-insurgency Weapon – The Dhofar War. Muscat: Establishment for Press, Publications and Advertising.

Al Harthi, Aisha. 2005. “Distance Higher Education Experiences of Arab Gulf Students in the United States: A Cultural Perspective.” International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning, 6.3: 1-14.

Al Hashimi, Said Sultan. 2011: “The Omani Spring: Towards the Break of a New Dawn.” Arab Reform Brief 52. http://www.arab-reform.net/en/node/433

Al Hikmani, Hadi and Khaled al Hikmani. 2012. “Arabian Leopard in Lowland Region on the South face of Jebel Samhan, Oman.” Cat News 57: 4-5.

Al-Hikmani, Hadi and Andrew Spalton. 2021. Dhofar: Monsoon Mountains to Sand Seas – Sultanate of Oman. Chicago: Gilgamesh Publishing.

Al Kabani, Said bin Rashid. 2015. A Soldier from Oman: Memory’s Nectar. Khalid al Balushi, trans. Muscat: Bait al Ghasham.

Al-Mandhari, Ahmed, Mohammed Al-Shafaee, Mohammed Al-Azri, Ibrahim Al-Zakwani, Mushtaq Khan, Ahmed Al-Waily and Syed Rizvi. 2008. “A Survey of Community Members’ Perceptions of Medical Errors in Oman.” BMC Medical Ethics 9.13. http://bmcmedethics.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1472-6939-9-13

Al-Marshudi, Ahmed Salim and Hemesiri Kotagama. 2006. “Socio-Economic Structure and Performance of Traditional Fishermen in the Sultanate of Oman.” Marine Resource Economics 21: 221-230.

Al-Ma’shani, Ahmed bin Mahad. 2014. Dictionary of the Dhofari Tongue [English translation of title].

Al Mutawa, Rana. 2022. “Navigating the Cosmopolitan City: Emirati Women and Ambivalent Forms of Belonging in Dubai,” in Migration in the Making of the Gulf Space Social, Political, and Cultural Dimensions. Antia Mato Bouzas and Lorenzo Casini, eds. New York: Berghahn Books. 67-85.

—. 2020, Dec. 9. “Dishdasha Blues: Navigating Multiple Lived Experiences in the Gulf.” London School of Economics Middle East Blog Posts https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2020/12/09/dishdasha-blues-navigating-multiple-lived-experiences-in-the-gulf/

—. 2019, Nov 8. “Dubai Mall or Souq Naif? The Quest for ‘Authenticity’ and Social Distinction.” London School of Economics Middle East Blog Posts. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2019/11/08/dubai-mall-or-souq-naif-the-quest-for-authenticity-and-social-distinction/

—. 2019, April 30. “You Can’t Sit with Us: Prejudice and ‘Othering’ between Khaleejis.” Sekka. https://sekkamag.com/2019/04/30/you-cant-sit-with-us-the-othering-within-arab-gulf-societies/

—. 2019. “The Mall Isn’t Authentic!: Dubai’s Creative Class And The Construction of Social Distinction.” Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development 48: 1-2: 183-223.

—. 2018, Dec.4. “Challenging Concepts of ‘Authenticity’: Dubai and Urban Spaces in the Gulf.” London School of Economics Middle East Blog Posts. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/12/04/challenging-concepts-of-authenticity-dubai-and-urban-spaces-in-the-gulf/

—. 2017. “Women and Restrictive Campus Environments: A Comparative Analysis Between Public Universities and International Branch Campuses in the UAE.” Higher Education in the Gulf States: Present and Future. 17-9.

Al-Nowaihi, Magda. 2004. “The ‘Middle East’? Or…/ Arabic Literature and the Postcolonial Predicament,” in A Companion to Postcolonial Studies. Henry Schwarz and Sangeeta Ray, eds. New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell. 282-303.

Al-Qasimi, Noor. 2012. “The ‘Boyah’ and the ‘Baby Lady’: Queer Mediations in Fatima Al Qadiri and Khalid Al Gharaballi’s Wawa Series.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 8.3: 139-142.

—. 2010. “Immodest Modesty: Accommodating Dissent and the ’Abayah-as-Fashion in the Arab Gulf States.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 6.1: 46-74.

Al-Rasheed, Madawi. 2013. A Most Masculine State: Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

—. 2013, Apr. 22. “Theorizing the Arabian Peninsula Roundtable: Knowledge In the Time of Oil.” Jadaliyya. https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/28472/Theorizing-the-Arabian-Peninsula-Roundtable-Knowledge-In-the-Time-of-Oil

Al-Rawas, Ali bin Omar. 2003. “Some Customs and Traditions of Marriages in Dhofar – Sultanate of Oman.” Ma’thurat al-sha’biyya 18.67: 7-40.

Al Salimi, Abdulrahman. 2018. Oman, Ibadism and Modernity (Studies on Ibadism and Oman). Hildesheim, Germany: Georg Olms Verlag.

Al Salimi, Abdulrahman and Eric Staples, eds. 2016. A Maritime History (Studies on Ibadism and Oman). Hildesheim, Germany: Georg Olms Verlag,

Al-Sharari, Ali Ahmed. 1994. How We Began and Raised Human Civilization in the Arabian Peninsula: Dhufar, Ancient Inscriptions and Drawings. Dubai: privately published, 1994. (cited in Peterson, John. 2004. “Oman’s Diverse Society: Southern Oman.” Middle East Journal 58.2: 254-69. Footnote 4, pg 256.)

—. 1991. “Grave Types and ‘Trilith’ in Dhofar.” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 3.2: 182-95.

—. 1991. “Recent Epigraphic Discoveries in Dhofar.” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 21: 173-91.

Al Taie, Hatim and Joan Pickersgill. 2008. Omani Folk Tales. Muscat, Oman: Al Roya Press and Publishing House.

Al Thahab, Khadija bint Alawi. 2012. Stories of My Grandmother. W. Scott Chahanovich et al, trans. Washington, D.C: Sultan Qaboos Cultural Center.

Al Yahya, Eid. 2006. Travellers in Arabia: British Explorers in Saudi Arabia. London: Stacey.

Al Zubair, Mohammad. 2004. Oman – My Beautiful Country. Muscat: Bait Al Zubair Foundation.

Albright, Frank. 1982. The American Archaeological Expedition in Dhofar, Oman, 1952-1953. Washington, D.C.: American Foundation for the Study of Man.

Allen, Calvin. 1987. Oman: The Modernization of the Sultanate, London: Routledge, 1987.

Allen, Calvin and Akbar S. Ahmed. 2002. Oman: Creation of the Modern Middle East. New York: Chelsea House Publications.

Allen, Calvin and W. Lynn Rigsbee. 2002. Oman Under Qaboos: From Coup to Constitution, 1970-1996. London: Routledge.

Allen, Roger. 2005. The Arabic Literary Heritage: The Development of its Genres and Criticism. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Allfree, P. S. 2008/ 1968. Warlords of Oman. London: Robert Hale.

—. 1967. Hawks of the Hadhramaut. London: Robert Hale.

Alsharekh, Alanoud, ed. 2007.  The Gulf Family: Kinship Policies and Modernity (SOAS Middle East Issues). London: Saqi.

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Altorki, Soraya. ed. 2015. A Companion to the Anthropology of the Middle East. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell.

—. 1986. Women in Saudi Arabia: Ideology and Behavior among the Elite. New York: Columbia University Press.

—. 1982. “The Anthropologist in the Field: A Case of ‘Indigenous Anthropology’ from Saudi Arabia,” in Indigenous Anthropology in Non-Western Countries. H. Fahim, ed. Durham, NC: Carolina Acadamy Press. 167-75.

—. 1980. “Milk-kinship in Arab Society.” Ethnology 19: 233-44.

Altorki, Soraya and Camillia El-Solh, eds. 1988. Arab Women in the Field: Studying Your Own Society. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.

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Anderson, John. 1896. “A Sketch of the Physical Features of the Coast of South-East Arabia.” A Contribution to the Herpetology of Arabia. London: R.H. Porter. 2-18.

Antoun, Richard. 1972. “Pertinent Variables in the Environment of Middle Eastern Village Politics: A Comparative Analysis,” in Rural Politics and Social Change in the Middle East. Richard Antoun and Iliya Harik, eds. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 118-62.

—. 1968. “On the Modesty of Women in Arab Muslim Villages: A Study in the Accommodation of Traditions.” American Anthropologist 70.4: 671-97.

Ansary, Tamim. 2009. Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World through Islamic Eyes. New York: Public Affairs.

Appadurai, Arjun. 2011/1986. “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Arjun Appadurai, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3-63.

—. 1988. “Putting Hierarchy in its Place.” Cultural Anthropology 3.1: 36-49.

—. 1986. “Theory in Anthropology: Center and Periphery.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 28.2: 356-61.

—, ed. 1986. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Arebi, Saddeka. 1994.Women and Words in Saudi Arabia. New York, Columbia University Press.

Arkless, David. 1988. The Secret War: Dhofar 1971/1972. London: William Kimber.

Asad, Talal. 1986. “The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam.” Occasional Papers Series, Center for Contemporary Arab. Georgetown University.

Aubaile-Sallenave, F. 2006. “Bodies, Odors and Perfumes in Arab-Muslim Societies”, in The Smell Culture Reader. J. Drobnick, ed. Oxford: Berg. 391-9.

Augustin, Anne-Linda Amira. 2018. “Rumours, Fears and Solidarity in Fieldwork in Times of Political Turmoil on the Verge of War in Southern Yemen.” Journal of Contemporary Social Science 13.3-4: 444-56. https://doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2017.1418523

Avanzini, Alessandra. 2007. “Sumhuram: A Hadrami Port on the Indian Ocean,” in The Indian Ocean in the Ancient Period: Definite Places, Translocal Exchange BAR International Series 1593. Eivind Heldaas Seland, ed. Oxford: Archaeopress. 23-31.

—. 2002. “Incense Routes and Pre-Islamic South Arabian Kingdoms.” Journal of Oman Studies 12: 17-24.

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Bailey, Clinton. 1985. July 7. “The Tribal Side of Mideast Terrorism.” The New York Times. E15.

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Bakir, Murtadha. 2011, Mar. 6. “Wh-questions in Jibbali.” Paper delivered at the Third Conference on Linguistics in the Gulf. Qatar University, Qatar.

Balfour-Paul, Glencairn. 2006. “Review of Wilfred Thesiger: The Life of the Great Explorer.” The British Yemeni Society.  http://b-ys.org.uk/journal/book-reviews/wilfred-thesiger-life-great-explorer

Barri Jones, Geraint. 2004. “The Myth of the ‘Lost City of the Arabian Sands’,” in Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 34: 105-20.

Barth, Fredrik. 1983. Sohar: Culture and Society in an Omani Town. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

—. 1974. “On Responsibility and Humanity: Calling a Colleague to Account.” Current Anthropology 15: 99-103.

Barrett, Roby. 2015. Oman: The Present in the Context of a Fractured Past. Lexington, KY: Joint Special Operations University Press.

“Basic Law of the Sultanate of Oman (as last amended by Royal Decree No. 99/2011).” 2011. World Intellectual Property Organization. http://www.wipo.int/wipolex/en/text.jsp?file_id=269893

Bates, D. 1971. “The Role of the State in Peasant-Nomad Mutualism.” Anthropology Quarterly 44.3: 109-31.

Bataille, Georges. 1985. Visions of Excess: Selected Writings, 1927–1939. Allan Stoekl, Carl Lovitt and Donald Leslie, Jr, trans. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Beasant, John. 2013/2002. Oman: The True-life Drama and Intrigue of an Arab State. Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing.

Beaugrand, Claire. 2016. “Deconstructing Minorities/ Majorities in Parliamentary Gulf States (Kuwait and Bahrain).” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 43.2: 234-49.

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Beckingham. C. F. and R. B. Sarjeant, 1950. “A Journey of Two Jesuits from Dhufār to San’ā in 1590.” The Geographical Journal 11. 4/6: 194-207.

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—. 1971. “Functional Significance of the Old South Arabian Town.” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabic Studies. 26-28.

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—. 2010. “Sharing.” Journal of Consumer Research 36:  715-34.

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Bent, Mabel.  2010. The Travel Chronicles of Mrs. J. Theodore Bent, Volume III: Deserts of Vast Eternity, Southern Arabia and Persia. Gerald Brisch, ed. London: Archaeopress.

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Betteridge, Anne. 1980. “The Controversial Vows of Urban Muslim Women in Iran,” in Unspoken Words: Women’s Religious Lives in Non-Western Cultures. Nancy Auer Falk and Rita M. Gross, eds. San Francisco: Harper and Row. 141-55.

Bidwell, Robin. 1994. Travellers in Arabia. Reading: Garnet.

—. 1978. “Bibliographical Notes on European Accounts of Muscat 1500-1900.” Arabian Studies 4: 123-59.

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Bird, Christaine. 2010. The Sultan’s Shadow: One Family’s Rule at the Crossroads of East and West. New York: Random House.

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Bohnet, Iris, F. Grieg, B. Herrmann, and R. Zeckhauser. 2008. “Betrayal Aversion: Evidence from Brazil, China, Oman, Switzerland, Turkey and the United States.” American Economic Review 98.1: 294-310.

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—. 2018. Yemen and the World: Beyond Insecurity. London: Hurst & Co.

—. 2011. Salafism in Yemen: Transnationalism and Religious Identity. London: Hurst & Co.

Booth, Marilyn. 2010. “‘The Muslim Woman’ as Celebrity Author and the Politics of Translating Arabic: Girls of Riyadh Go on the Road.” Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 6.3 -Special Issue: Marketing Muslim Women: 149-82.

—. 2008. “Translator v. Author (2007): Girls of Riyadh Go to New York.” Translation Studies 1.2: 197-211.

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—. 1993. The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature. New York: Columbia University Press.

—. 1979. “The Sense of Honor,” in Algeria, 1960. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. 95-132.

Boustead, Hugh. 2002/ 1971. The Wind of Morning: An Autobiography. Fresno, CA: Craven Street.

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Boyd, Fenice. 2002. “Conditions, Concessions, and the Many Tender Mercies of Learning through Multicultural Literature.” Reading Research and Instruction 42.1: 58-92.

Brandt, Marieke. 2019. “Neue Literatur/ New Literature on Yemen.” Jemen-Report 50.1/2: 132-8.

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Bromwich, David. 2014. Moral Imagination. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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Brumann, Christoph. 1999. “Writing for Culture: Why a Successful Concept Should Not Be Discarded,” in Culture, a Second Chance? Supplement Special Issues Current Anthropology 40: S1-13.

Brunsden, Denys. 1986. The Wahiba Sands: A Description of the Wahiba Sands of Oman. University of Durham: Centre for Overseas Research and Development.

Bryce, Derek, MacLaren, Andrew and O’Gorman, Kevin. 2013. “Historitising Consumption: Exploring Orientalist Expectations in the Middle East.” Consumption Markets and Culture 16: 45-64.

Bury, G. Wyman [Mansur, Abdullah]. 1998/1915. Arabia Infelix or The Turks in Yemen. Reading: Garnet Publishing.

 —. 1998/1911. The Land of Uz. Reading: Garnet Publishing.

Carapico, Sheila. 2004. “Arabia Incognita: An Invitation to Arabian Peninsula Studies,” in Counter-Narratives. Madawi Al-Rasheed and Robert Vitalis, eds. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.11-33.

Carter, Henry. 1852. “Memoir of the Geology of the South-East Coast of Arabia.” Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 3: 21-96.

—. 1851. “A Geographical Description of Certain Parts of the Southeast Coast of Arabia.” Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 3: 224-317.

—. 1848. “A Description of the Frankincense Tree of Arabia, with remarks on the Misplacement of the ‘Libanophorous Region’ in Ptolemy and Geography.” Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 2.11: 380-90.

—.  1847. “Notes on the Mahrah Tribe of Southern Arabia, with a Vocabulary of their Language, to which is appended additional Observations on the Gara Tribe.” Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 2: 339-64.

—. 1846. “The Ruins of El Balad.” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 16: 187-99.

—. 1845. “Notes on the Gara Tribe.” Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 2: 195-201.

Caton, Steve. 2005. Yemen Chronicle: Anthropology of War and Mediation. New York: Hill and Wang.

—. 1999. Lawrence of Arabia: A Film’s Anthropology. Oakland, CA: University of California Press.

—. 1993. ‘Peaks of Yemen I Summon’: Poetry as Cultural Practice in a North Yemeni Tribe. Oakland, CA: University of California Press.

—. 1987. “Power, Persuasion and Language: A Critique of the Segmentary Model in the Middle East.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 19: 77-102.

—. 1986. “’Salam Tahiyah’: Greetings from the Highlands of Yemen.” American Ethnologist 13.2: 290-308.

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Additional Sources

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Valeri, Marc. 2022. “Une affaire de famille: Reconfiguration du pacte oligarchique dans les monarchies de Bahreïn et d’Abou Dhabi au début du XXIe siècle.” Mondes En Developpement 198: 55-71.

—. 2021. “Economic Diversification and Energy Security in Oman: Natural Gas, the X Factor?” Journal of Arabian Studies 10.1: 159-174.

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—.2018. “So Close, So Far. National Identity and Political Legitimacy in UAE-Oman Border Cities,” in Twin Cities: Urban Communities, Borders and Relationships over Time. J. Garrard and E. Mikhailova, eds. London: Routledge, 313-327.

—. 2017. “Iran-Oman Relations since the 1970s: A Mutually Beneficial Modus Vivendi,” in Security and Bilateral Issues between Iran and its Arab Neighbours. G. Bahgat, A. Ehteshami and N. Quilliam, eds. Palgrave MacMillan, 149-166.

—. 2017/ 2009. Oman: Politics and Society in the Qaboos State. London: Hurst.

—. 2017. “Towards the end of the Oligarchic Pact? Business and Politics in Abu Dhabi, Bahrain and Oman,” in The Changing Security Dynamics of the Persian Gulf. Kristian Ulrichsen, ed. London: Hurst. 77-98.

—. 2015. “The Suhar Paradox: Social and Political Mobilisations in the Sultanate of Oman since 2011.” Arabian Humanities 4. http://cy.revues.org/2828

—. 2015. “Simmering Unrest and Succession Challenges in Oman.” Carnegie Paper – Middle East Series, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. http://carnegieendowment.org/files/omani_spring.pdf

—. 2013. “Domesticating Local Elites: Sheikhs, Walis and State-Building Under Sultan Qaboos,” in Regionalizing Oman. Political, Economic and Social Dynamics. S. Wippel, ed. Heidelberg: Springer. 267-277.

—. 2012, Nov. 18. “‘Qaboos can make mistakes like anybody else’– The Sultan of Oman De-sacralized.” Jadaliyya. http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8430/%E2%80%9Cqaboos-can-make-mistakes-like-anybody-else_-the-s

—. 2011. “The Qaboos-State under the Test of the ‘Omani Spring’: Are the Regime’s Answers Up to Expectations?” http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/sites/sciencespo.fr.ceri/files/art_mv.pdf

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Webb, Katherine. 2016. The English Girl. London: Orion.

Wilson, Alice. 2023. Afterlives of Revolution: Everyday Counterhistories in Southern Oman. Stanford: Stanford UP

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Websites

Enfleurage

Environment Society of Oman

J.E. Peterson

Janet Watson

Janet Watson and Miranda Morris

Janet Watson has a comprehensive “Bibliography of the Modern South Arabian Languages” which includes some works concentrating on history and anthropology, as well as languages – it can be accessed through: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345983960_Bibliography_of_the_Modern_South_Arabian_languages_Compiled_by_Janet_Watson_and_Miranda_Morris

Reflections on Ethnographic Research: Changes within Cultures

(photo by Salwa Hubais)

Two writers about Dhofar were so firmly entrenched in the view that Dhofar should not be modern that their books had photos of empty streets; as if there were no Omanis in city settings. The only photos of Dhofaris had them positioned in rural landscapes.

I call this mindset “zoo mode,” and its adherents say things along the lines of:

Oh how horrible that the Dhofaris are losing their traditions! Every time I come here there are changes. Everything is to modern here now – they don’t have their culture anymore.

I have lost patience for this point of view that, in some manifestations, seems to want to turn Dhofar into a zoo-like entity where visitors can see people engaging in former lifeways. I try to be quiet (or change the subject) but sometimes I will remark:

But you yourself do not live in your grandmother’s house, with her furniture and decorations. You don’t eat what she ate in the way she ate it. You don’t wear her clothes or listen to the music she loved, so it might be unrealistic to expect other people to stay static.

Their reply is usually along the lines of: but they are losing themselves.

To me, this line of reasoning posits that the modern culture is inferior to and/or less appealing than that of previous iterations. And I wonder, how do non-Dhofaris find a vantage point from which to judge another culture?

I think Dhfoaris are transforming, adapting and making choices; all cultures change over time. What Dhofaris are “losing” is the desire to live in a way that visitors find interesting. That doesn’t mean they should return to the lifeways of 40 or more years ago. Dhofairs are not participants in a Colonial Williamsburg-type experiment in which they should work as historical reenactors to explain and demonstrate aspects of daily life in the past.

Yes, some lifeways are disappearing but so is diphtheria and washing clothes by pounding them on rocks. And the people who decide what parts of the culture should be carried forward are… the people in that culture.

As a literature professor, I take heart in rereading Oliver Goldsmith’s “The Deserted Village” written in the 1770s. In this poem the narrator laments the desertion of a village because of a variety of modern evils; this reminds me that in every century there are people who think all the good times, good manners, good objects and good traditions are gone forever. And yet humans continue to create new and positive ways to live.

Here is a simple example of cultural change from working with the research guys. Before Covid, picnic dinners usually meant someone cooking dinner over a fire. I enjoyed years of delicious stews and curries; fish was cooked over the flames or wrapped in foil in placed in the ashes. Picnics stopped during the time of lockdowns and curfews with people sticking close to family units. As the threat of disease retreated, the group started to meet again, but with changes.

The man who did most of the cooking has had changes in his responsibilities, so he no longer has the free time needed to cook dinners. We have adapted by the men bringing prepared food from home and me bringing food from a “safe” (well-known/ trusted) restaurant.

One night one of the men brought… individual pizzas. The first time in 17 years that I have seen a pizza at one of our meetings and the first time that we each had our own meal. I suppose I could have cut my hair and wailed at this terrible incursion of the modern but I said thank you and ate my pizza.

Yes, I would rather have fresh-caught fish cooked over the coals but I am aware of what a dish dinner entails: the time and effort to make a certain kind of fire, wait until there were the right kind of coals, preparing the fish, cooking it, preparing and cooking the rice, etc.

Actions have costs – a picnic dinner means someone cooking (a man standing over a beach fire or a woman standing over a stove at home) and all people make choices about which costs are worth the effort. Five years ago, pizza was not one of the choices for a group dinner. Now it is.

To me, this change is only a loss if I construe “fish cooked over a fire” as the only correct/ authentic type of beach dinner, a judgment I am unwilling to make.